Tawowatarukaze Wind on Rice Fields (Japanese Edition)
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Without waiting for Kubota to be completely prepared, our jikata played the opening notes of Chunjun Nagari. We all struck our drums in unison-the sound was tremendous. For a moment, I worried about the distraction of their competing melody, feared being drawn away from our rhythm. But there was no time for that kind of concern-the dance demanded my whole attention. Every moment had to demonstrate pride, poise, perfection. The crowd was joining us too-long wailing whistles, shouted responses.
The responses of the women behind me, sharp and strong. The dancers next to me, behind and in front of me, matching me in every move, perfectly synchronized. How can I describe their expressions-rapturous? I could no longer hear Kubota at all, I couldn't see anything beyond the front of our formation. There was no time, no space for anything but the dance.
The repetitions of the figures of the dance came effortlessly. I felt as if I was hitting the drum harder than I ever had before, stepping higher, swinging the drum in powerful arcs. We danced through the cycle of songs, then repeated it again. We all began to push forward. Our columns collapsed until we were all standing shoulder-to-shoulder, beating the drums furiously.
Behind us, the men and women dancers moved forward as well, adding their voices and their clapping to the dance. I'd lost all track of Kubota. Their standard bearer and ours circled each other, bobbing and leaping in the space between groups. The tempo increased, the sanshin booming and percussive. We pressed forward, hammering away as if we could physically drive them back with the intensity of our drumming. I was blinded with sweat, my arms ached with the effort. I was beginning to worry that I couldn't go on any further when I noticed Iha whistling and waving us forward as he danced with the standard.
Dancers from both groups set their drums on the ground and leaped into the space between the formations. More and more dancers joined-two first year members rushed past me, one on the other's shoulders. And as quickly as the tempo and the style of the performance changed, the feeling of conflict slipped away. Everone from Kubota and Sonda came together, men and women, laughing and dancing.
Tourists were being pulled from the crowd into the street. The dancers offered them their drums, demonstrated gestures, drew them into the dance. Taking up the bachi and the drums that dancers handed to them, they tried to strike up a rhythm of their own. Everyone in Sonda was proud of being tough, he said, but a lot of other people in Okinawa were tough too. However, there wasn't anyone else who could dance like Sonda. Violence detracted from the performance, diminished their accomplishments. What's more, it made enemies in the neighboring communities that should have been brought together by the dance.
Once, after a long and demanding practice, I asked several of the older dancers why they still performed. Zukeran Masahide-one of the most active older members and a colorful jikata-answered without hesitation: In the streets where Okinawans have labored for decades, running bars and shops that cater to American G.
In the streets lined with faltering businesses, with Naha-based banks and mainland convenience stores, where young men and women from the neighborhood are waitresses and clerks, parking lot attendants and idlers. In the streets that are the lines of communication for the American bases, where Japanese and American strategic decisions are executed, along which troops and supplies are moved.
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In the streets where Okinawans once rioted against American oppression, burning vehicles, beating their occupants, storming the gates of the base. As I have suggested, this is not simply the distribution of good fortune but the creation of a network of relationships that includes the performers, the diverse group of Okinawans and mainland Japanese, the spirits of the dead. In this place, once built by the labor of their ancestors, a moment is created for them once again.
Through the beauty of the performance, the stylish self-presentation of the dancers, the pain and sacrifice, the artistry and expressiveness of the dance, ancestral spirits are gathered from their homes and entertained once more. Memories of every other performance, every other obon are drawn into the constellation-the ancestral spirits are shown that the dance that they worked so hard to create is still vibrant.
This is why the presence of outsiders is so critical to the creation of the work. It cannot be that the painful burden of the past is easier to bear in Okinawa City than it is in Osaka. Before spectators whose class and ethnicity has long dominated the lives of the dancers. And yet, they have found a tremendous resource in other memories, in other formulations of the past. All of these memories are brought into a manifold relationship in the present, conjoined to the work that is created by the musicians and dancers. Building on Ranciere's observations, the performers make themselves visible, appear before their audience as dancers beautiful and strong, confident and kind.
The audience is also constituted in the performance, given an opportunity to be a part of the festival, to join in the dance before them. To be treated as discerning and capable guests, to receive the gift of good fortune. And finally, the spirits of the dead are brought together with them, honored for what they have done, assured that their legacy remains important, given the promise of performances yet to come. Inevitably, the moment ends. As the duration of the dance comes to a close, the memories that had been kept at bay fill the space and the time that had been cleared for the performance.
The uneasy accommodation that performers maintain between the worker, the samurai and the dancer cannot be maintained; the same can be said for the tension between the enthralled spectator, the uneasy visitor to the run-down streets of Koza, the tourist returned from the battlefield, the metropolitan traveler who suddenly realizes that Tokyo is very far away. As the crowd begins to disperse, we fall into formation once again, laughing and exhausted.
Dancing through the darkened streets, we make our way back to the community center. Families return to their homes, tourists to their hotels, the spirits of the dead to wherever it is that they dwell-their tombs, the other world, the island paradise known as nirai kanai. What extends beyond the moment? New images have been produced, old images have been reinvigorated, old practices reappropriated. Representations of the performance circulate in tourist campaigns and commercial advertising, in banal television series and experimental film.
A massive banner depicting a powerful dancer in Sonda's attire was hung as a backdrop at an anti-base rally in Naha. Both the dancers and their audience carry the memories of the performance into their everyday lives; the dancers also bear the physical transformation of their experiences. After years of dancing with the seinenkai, two older men have become members of a popular Okinawan musical group that works to fuse traditional and contemporary forms. A young woman has formed a well-known vocal duo. Several members told me that they quit their jobs in local clubs, or distanced themselves from local gangs.
Others have built on their experiences to become local politicians-both progressive and conservative-and some have been selected to become municipal bureaucrats. I have also heard of stories of dancers who quit jobs in the mainland and moved back to Okinawa so that they-or their children-could dance; others refused promotions or transfers so that they could remain active in the group.
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More common, however, are stories of the traces left in memory: It is in this space, open to contradiction and question, that other possibilities exist, that new choices are made legible, that the possibilities of transformative action are explored. At the same time, I do not want to take away from the importance of the moment itself. It seems that practices are too often considered only to expose their reference to other situations, their relationship to other times and places. Steeped in the forms of the past, yet driven by creative action in the present.
An expression of individual and collective artistry, an archive of historical representations, and a source of strength and renewal. A determination to define themselves-as men and women, as artists, as Okinawans-on their own terms. I learned a great deal in my years working with the Sonda Seinenkai; and yet, there are so many things that I will never know or fully understand.
However, I do understand the courage that allows one to appropriate rather than fear the judgment and expectations of others, to put aside the repressiveness of everyday life, the restrictions of gender and class, the constant pressures of labor, fatigue and boredom. I understand the courage to act and to create-I have seen it in the streets of Koza. Nelson is an associate professor in the Department of Anthropology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a specialist in the anthropology of contemporary Japan. His work on Okinawa can be found in his book Dancing with the Dead: Living with the U.
While I find Butler's argument about the repression of the originary experience of homosexual desire compelling, I would like to broaden this category of melancholy objects to include other forms of internalized historical experience. Theories in Subjection , Loss must also be addressed collectively, not simply at the level of individual experience. Moreover, actual, historical loss must be acknowledged and attended. The failure to do so can lead to the conversion of the historical experience of loss into a structuring sense of absence, an ahistorical originary account that authorizes repetitions of violence and ideologies of subjugation.
In this failure, subjects may find themselves in an impasse of endless melancholy and impossible mourning, trapped in naturalized, repetitive cycles that seem to be beyond their understanding and control. University of California Press, 7. Vintage Books, Let the Good Times Roll: Military in Asia New York: The New Press, , While it was most common before World War II, the image of the moashibi is often evoked in contemporary popular culture in Okinawa. This land is then provided for use by American military forces.
Occasionally relationships emerge, and a number of couples that I know have married. Many others date people from work or school with no connection to the seinenkai. Surprisingly, there seem to be few relationships with the admiring mainland visitors who attend rehearsals and performances. While local women professed to be content with this, several complained that it was difficult for women to socialize at the community center once they stop performing. University of Chicago Press, Nihonjin no Beigun Kichi to Okinawajin Tokyo: Ochanomizu Shobo, Note , page Parody and Anomy in Affluent Japan Chicago: An Interview," Angelaki , 8, no.
This article introduces Ikeda Manabu and his art, and situates his work within the history of imagining disasters in Japanese art by introducing prominent Japanese works, including disaster prints from the Edo and Meiji periods and nuclear art by Domon Ken, Fukushima Kikujiro, and Maruki Iri and Toshi. Ikeda Manabu, Meltdown , Pen, acrylic ink on paper mounted on board, cm x cm. Photo by West Vancouver Museum. Courtesy of the artist and Mizuma Art Gallery. By applying acrylic ink on paper with pen, the artist drew an incredible image that, with its concise, blunt, and even shocking title, unquestionably refers to the meltdown of three nuclear power plants at Fukushima Daiichi in Northeastern Japan after the earthquake and tsunami in A monumental iceberg-like entity, whose top comprises a gray-colored, dysfunctional industrial complex, is juxtaposed with the lively natural green forest and emerald blue sea beneath it.
Meltdown invites the viewer to come closer to the work, to explore visual devices that the artist has set out. The juxtaposition of the radiation-exposed broken nuclear plant and glorious, pure nature is disturbing and alarming, conveying to the viewer the urgency of the problems that Japan is both facing and causing for the rest of the world.
Meltdown reminds us that after nearly two years the Great East Japan Earthquake continues to haunt us. The question is, what kind of chapter will that be? I keda Manabu b. Photographed by Yukiko Onley. Ikeda Manabu is one of the most successful Japanese contemporary artists see more works by Ikeda here.
Working primarily with pen and acrylic paint, he has produced fascinating works that are extremely detailed and combine the human and natural worlds, the past and the future into a single pictorial field. His themes and subject matter are monumental but Ikeda draws intricate buildings, people, trees, animals, birds, trains, ships, and planes.
Because of the intensity of his work, most of his drawings are small in size, but he has created several large-size works, each taking more than a year to complete. His artworks are arresting and entertaining, full of visual devices that create unexpected connections between disparate scenes. At the same time, there is an alarming, dystonic tone in his art: His Lighthouse , for example, depicts a gigantic lighthouse, which is so old that trees grow out of it. Pummeled by stormy sea waves, it is falling over.
Numerous white birds that fly over the lighthouse, perhaps shocked by the weather and the fall of the lighthouse, add an element of drama to the picture. Predominantly drawn in blue and navy, the tone of the work is dark, and highlights the menacing, untamable side of the natural world. Ikeda Manabu, Lighthouse , Pen, acrylic ink on paper, mounted on board.
Photo by Miyajima Kei. His Existence , a large-scale drawing of a humongous tree comprising many separate, uniquely shaped trunks intertwined into one, was selected as one of the best artworks of by the New York Times , establishing Ikeda without question at the pinnacle of the contemporary Japanese art world link. Ikeda Manabu, Existence , Since , Ikeda has resided in Canada. He chose Canada to benefit his art. Ikeda now renders the gap between objects more expansively, often incorporating monumental space into his visual field. For instance, he fills the entire space of the paper in Lighthouse and leaves white, unfilled spaces in Existence , but in Meltdown , which he executed in Canada, he uses the space surrounding the nuclear plants more creatively.
The bottom portion of the work is rendered into natural landscape, which interfaces with the main subject of the power plant, adding context and dynamism to the picture. He learned about what was happening through the Internet and the Canadian media. The artist also believes that he would forget about the disaster if he lived in Japan. He thinks that people in Japan are, understandably, eager to get past the traumatic event, often at the risk of ignoring radiation exposure problems and other threats posed by the crippled nuclear plants in Fukushima Daiichi.
In preparation for creating works related to the disaster, however, Ikeda made a trip to the Tohoku area in February , visiting Kesennuma and Rikuzen Takada, to see the actual site of the disaster with his own eyes. Ikeda Manabu, Foretoken , Photo by Kuge Yasuhide. Ikeda has an interesting story about why he decided to produce drawings related to the Great East Japan Earthquake. All these human figures and cultural and technological products are swallowed by one big wave. He did not set out to produce an image of a tsunami, however.
As the artist states, he initially wanted to draw snow, but he started thinking that anything white would do, and it did not have to be snow. He then developed an image of a large wave swallowing civilization. The title Foretoken also seems uncanny, but Ikeda meant it to allow space for ambiguity. As Japan is vulnerable to various kinds of natural disasters, visual artists have made them a subject of their art throughout Japanese history. We can trace the genealogy of disaster art to catfish prints namazu-e of the Edo period, which were produced in response to a magnitude 7.
This earthquake, together with the Ansei-Tokai Earthquake and the Ansei-Nankai Earthquake, is known as the Ansei Great Earthquake, and it killed more than 7, people. Namazu-e interestingly encompass various interpretations of the disaster. Some believed that the earthquake was a form of divine punishment of Edo, which had flourished excessively. The print reproduced here and titled Blessing in Peaceful Times , for example, shows a personified catfish in the lower right, beaten by Edo commoners who were adversely affected by the disaster.
At the same time, there are two men near the middle of the picture who try to stop the mob. These are tile dealers who benefited from the reconstruction after the earthquake.
The title of the print reinforces the sense that the earthquake facilitated economic activity. Woodblock prints on the Meiji-Sanriku Earthquake published in newspapers kawaraban form another prominent collection of disaster art. The Meiji-Sanriku Earthquake was a magnitude 7. The earthquake itself did not cause much damage, but the tsunami that followed it proved devastating. It was as high as Unlike the Edo catfish prints that occasionally parody the disaster and the following social situation, the kawaraban prints convey the ferociousness of the event by illustrating the catastrophic effect of the tsunami.
At a time when photograph and video were not available to capture the very moment of the disaster, these prints proved to be a valuable visual record with significant news value. One of the prints produced after the disaster, now in the George Beans Collection at the University of British Columbia, shows a tsunami hitting the coastal town of Kamaishi, Ishikawa Prefecture, which is known for its fishing industry.
It captures the plight of a group of residents, who try to climb up a hill, followed closely by the great wave. Tiny human figures in the right foreground are contrasted with the infinite size and formlessness of the wave. The utter darkness of the sea and sky that dominate the picture captures a dramatic moment of the horrifying scene, highlighting the desperate situation of the people depicted.
Domon captured images of victims undergoing painful surgery at the Hiroshima Atomic Bomb Hospital and suffering from burns and scars, and orphans cheerfully playing at the Hiroshima Municipal School for War Victims. Domon confronts the viewer with photographic evidence of their continuing pain and suffering, presenting human bodies that are grotesque, abject, deformed, and severely injured. Domon Ken, Hiroshima , Photographer Fukushima Kikujiro also produced nuclear art.
Fukushima developed a deeply personal relationship with Nakamura Shigematsu, who was suffering from lethargy sickness and occasional seizures caused by the illness. For example, the artist took photographs of Motomachi, a slum filled with atomic-bomb victims, including Koreans, who had been excluded from subsidized medical care. Because the SCAP Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers prohibited the use of the word genbaku atomic bomb in public, the artists initially displayed this work under the title August 6 , the date of the bombing of Hiroshima. Deformed, fragmented naked human bodies, most of them women and children, emerge out of the black smoke in one of the panels, Ghosts I.
Here, almost everything is colorless; bodies have become ashes and ashes cover bodies. Masses of people are walking, while some are lying on the ground and others are praying. All fifteen panels convey a sense of total confusion in scenes that cannot be comprehended as a cohesive narrative. A person covered with a blanket stares at a man who is about to kill another man with a sword. Amid the smoke, girls helplessly gaze at viewers beyond the panel, sitting and holding each other. They are not only witnessing the moment when their friends and families were blown away by the radioactive blast neppu , but are also witnessing this historical moment of unprecedented nuclear catastrophe.
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The Hiroshima Panels evoke silence, a speechless moment of chaos. The Marukis actively participated in leftist political activities and considered their art as a means to convey issues of social inequalities and injustice, as did Reportage painters of the s such as Yamashita Kikuji and Ikeda Tatsuo. And in direct contrast to Domon, they acknowledged the violence the Japanese army perpetrated against other Asians in The Nanking Massacre of , representing Japanese soldiers as the aggressors. While one might assume the city of Hiroshima, having experienced the atomic bomb, would have opposed the nuclear power industry, this was not the case.
One example is an exhibition titled Genbaku wo miru [Viewing Atomic Bombs], which was to display art related to the atomic bombs including the Hiroshima Panels at Meguro Museum between April and May in , which was cancelled, to the regret to many people. But despite this fact, Japanese artists continue to extend their rich history of nuclear art, the art about human suffering from illness and injuries resulting from radiation exposure.
This particular work, which at 4m x 3m will be the largest in his oeuvre, Ikeda estimates, will take three years. He will begin later in after he moves to Madison, Wisconsin where he will be an artist-in-residence at the Chazen Museum of Art. At the museum, he may show the production process to the public, and a film crew may document it.
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The artist speculates that just as life in Canada affected the work he produced there, life in Wisconsin may affect this work, but he does not yet know exactly how. Ikeda has been thinking carefully about this work for the past two years, and he already has a vision for it. The way a new tree trunk grows out of an old stump and how a new branch comes out of an old trunk, which he observed in Canadian forests, for example, have made him appreciative of the sheer power of life and the multi-generational life of organisms.
It led him to believe that although Japan has been devastated by the disaster, there is always hope for life. For this work, he also says that he is increasingly interested in borrowing the forms of mythical animals, such as the Shinto-inspired serpent Yamata no Orochi. It reminds us that humans are not the only inhabitants of the Earth and its natural environment. So what is Ikeda adding to the Japanese artistic history of disaster and nuclear images?
What does his art mean to Japanese society at large? The exhibition began a week after the Great East Japan Earthquake, and featured works by sixteen mid-career artists, including Ikeda. The exhibition was of course organized before the disaster, but several social movements were beginning to emerge then that resonated with the exhibition. Since the explosions at the nuclear reactors in Fukushima Daiichi, tens of thousands of citizens have participated in anti-nuclear demonstrations in front of the National Diet in Nagatacho.
With Meltdown and forthcoming work, the artist seeks to address the urgent issue of environmental damage and celebrate the resilience of victims in Japan who are reestablishing their lives completely from scratch. At the same time, his attitude toward politics is decidedly different from that of the creators of Hiroshima-related art of the s and s. While Domon, Fukushima, and the Marukis had clear political agendas, Ikeda does not directly associate himself and his works with the anti-nuclear demonstrations. It is too early to assess the impact of his disaster-related art on either Japanese contemporary art or society, but I am eager to see how the emerging Japanese artists might differentiate themselves from Murakami Takashi and form other artistic discourses.
As the Anne van Biema fellow at the Freer Sackler Galleries of the Smithsonian Institution, she is currently working on a monograph tentatively titled Soldiers and Cherry Blossoms: I would like to express my gratitude to N. I express my gratitude to the artist who kindly shared with me the vision of his art. Disaster and Political Power] Tokyo: Gennifer Weisenfeld, Imaging Disaster: University of California Press, Time, Space, and the Dialectics of Memory Berkeley: The University of California Press, You only have to spend a day in Seoul to realize that appearances do matter in contemporary South Korean society.
Advertisements for various cosmetic surgeries are conspicuous everywhere—from taxis fig. Cosmetic Surgery QR code advertisement at the back of a Seoul taxi centre photo: In their worldwide survey of cosmetic procedures performed in by board certified cosmetic surgeons, the International Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery ISAPS placed Korea in seventh place in terms of numbers of surgical procedures. Even so, the actual figures are likely much higher since a significant number of surgeries go unrecorded: Advertisement at a Seoul underground station, with before and after images of rhinoplasty photo: In this essay, I will analyze the narrative structure of a popular cable television makeover programme, Let Me In, so as to outline the kinds of social and cultural narratives the popular media and possibly the cosmetic surgery industry put forward to justify performing potentially life-threatening surgeries on otherwise healthy bodies.
Through a narrative analysis of the reality TV show, I will illustrate how contemporary Korean subjects are effectively interpellated into a set of moral discourses of self-discipline, and even filial piety, to justify the presumed necessity for radical corporeal changes. Within this context, I argue that these discourses embedded in the narrative structure of programmes such as Let Me In can be read as symptomatic of the ways in which global beauty discourses can effect potentially highly disciplinary in a Foucauldian sense practices in culturally localized ways. In order to contextualise the narrative presented in Let Me In , it is useful to draw attention to the fact that cosmetic surgery is, by and large, represented either positively or neutrally in South Korean popular culture and media with some notable exceptions, mainly initiated by feminist activist groups.
Within this context, it is telling that the physical evidence of surgical enhancement rather than hiding it in itself is becoming a marker of social status and wealth, further emphasizing the instrumental way in which cosmetic surgery is presented in popular media and makeover programmes in particular. Reflecting this, the question for cultural and feminist critics has revolved around whether cosmetic surgery is a constraining disciplinary discourse which produces docile bodies Haiken, ; Bordo, ; Blood, or an empowering one.
Both arguments are, from the outset, compelling. On the one hand, surgery can be perceived as an oppressive practice, implying that it is performed on individuals who are unable to resist the compelling force of prevailing beauty and health discourses. On the other hand, cosmetic surgery can be seen as an inherently empowering practice and, at least in part, one in which individuals take action and are willing to risk their lives to guarantee perceived success within their individual circumstances, where certain appearances may be considered as either a precursor or evidence of social success Bordo, ; Davies, ; Heyes, b; Jones, ; Holliday and Elfving-Hwang, ; Sanches Taylor, In contemporary South Korea, the latter cannot be dismissed off-hand, particularly since appearance is not seen simply as a practical or personal issue but also, at least to an extent, a matter of social etiquette.
Accordingly, the beauty industry in Korea markets a plethora of beauty treatments and practices as a way of not only fixing flaws and erasing evidence of aging, but also to literally embody the markers of middle class consumerist success. Contemporary cosmetic surgery advertising taps into the discourse of consumer identity, promising a celebrity look that signifies success to practically anyone who can afford it — even if this necessitates turning to credit card companies to finance the desired look.
Choi notes that among the young people she interviewed, appearance is seen as essential for gaining employment in the customer-oriented work place which is perceived as attractive for its association with consumer capitalism , in particular for students who do not consider themselves to be academically exceptional. Unsurprisingly, both the entertainment industry and the cosmetic surgery industry are tapping into this kind of globalized discourse in which bodies are seen and are represented as both objects of investment and of individual consumer desire. Yet an analysis of Korean popular media discourses reveals that ideas of self-improvement are not simply grounded in Western individualism.
In this sense, the cosmetic surgery becomes a contemporary manifestation of yewi , which goes beyond and not simply a utilitarian notion of gaining access to a social group through imitating or assuming a certain look — whether that be one of a kkotminam 12 or a politician.
Reflecting this, the narrative logic deployed in popular media and in TV makeover programmes assert that cosmetic surgery is not evidence of vanity, but quite the contrary, positive proof of willingness to invest in self in consideration of others. Within this context, somatic subjectivity obtained through engagement with surgery is seen as an expression of moral self, rather than suggesting lack thereof Heyes, b. While a significant literature on makeover programmes sees this moral stance as related to the individual, Let Me In quite intentionally draws not only on contemporary discourses of beauty, health and fitness, but also on Neo-Confucian ethical principles of filial piety.
While I am not suggesting that cosmetic surgery is in any way linked to Neo-Confucianism per se especially given that the principle of sinch'ebalbu body, hair, and skin prohibited any alteration of the body and because care-of-self and preserving the body were seen as important expressions of filial piety , an analysis of this programme reveals a contradictory logic in which surgery is presented as evidence of filial piety.
The relation between individual bodies and the constant reminder of having to visually display and perform a certain appropriate appearance is a useful reminder of the level of how the construction of self-subjectivity is informed by considerations of compulsory visibility and how success relies on how individuals position themselves within these beauty regimes both as objects and effects of disciplinary power.
As the camera moves from the sympathetic faces of the presenters to reveal only the back of the contestant, the contestant is invited to explain why she should be selected for a makeover. The contestants are then invited to explain how their appearance affects their everyday lives. In the majority of episodes this involves scenes in which the contestant lives in self-imposed isolation or is bullied by others. Scenes in which the candidate is shown to stand outside a university classroom without the courage to go in and partake in seminars are utilised to emphasize the real distress that her appearance causes her Fig.
The contestants declare that. Family members are also given a narrative function in the structure of the programme to reinforce and legitimate the discourse of exclusion based on appearance. The panel consists of cosmetic surgeons, psychologists, a dental surgeon and a dermatologist, who proceed to debate whether to operate on a contestant.
At this narrative juncture, the audiences — both in the studio and at home — are drawn into judgment-making about the extent to which each contestant compares with the normative somatic-aesthetic standards put forward in the programme. Thus the burden of responsibility for defining successful outcomes is effectively shifted to the patient through managing their expectations.
This gives the surgeons a power mandate that any other kind of medical professional can only dream of. The visual vocabulary in these scenes in particular in Season 1 , which draws the viewer to make a symbolic connection to Roman Catholic iconography on the last judgement, purgatory and heaven, 22 clearly emphasises the power invested in medical intervention: What follows is a short section in which the surgeons inform the patient of what kind of surgery she is to receive Fig. Yet for the viewing audiences this moment is presented as evidence of surgery as egalitarian practice, because it presumably rescues the contestant from social exclusion.
The process itself is inherently panoptic, and subject to constant surveillance of the approving or chastising gaze of the TV cameras, which witness any slip in self-discipline, training the contestants to expect and perform for the cosmetic gaze of the real and imagined audiences. The pivotal moment in the programme comes of course when the contestant returns to the studio after three of months of surgery, recovery, dieting, fitness training and styling — all of which is presented as evidence of her heroic battle to cultivate a strong will and attitude to bear the inevitable pain of the transformation.
Within this narrative, then, cosmetic surgery is not simply conceived as being a corrective practice, but conceptualized as the starting point of a new identity altogether. The visual vocabulary point is highly evocative of an actual physical and psychological rebirth, particularly in Season 1. Each contestant emerges from a womb-like silo positioned at the back of the studio, from which she walks with confident gait to the brightly-lit front of the stage Fig. The camera lingers on the body of the contestant, almost revealing her face, only to rewind back again to show the transformed body from a different angle.
The contestant is then allowed to see her newly styled and professionally made over look for the first time in the mirror as the audiences are given a voyeuristic once-over of her entire body in slow-motion. And again, the viewer is invited to a dialogic agreement with the programme hosts and studio audience, whose gasps of disbelief are played on a loop to emphasize the presumed sense of awe that we are invited to witness and participate in, through the shared deployment of the cosmetic gaze which insists on the notion of subjectivity as essentially captured within this somatic sign.
As every episode ends in cheerful clapping and admiring gasps from studio audiences while contestants and their families shed tears of joy, one might be tempted to ask what exactly is the harm in assisting underprivileged members of society to function more effectively in society — even if it all is produced for the purpose of commercial gain and presented in the form of light entertainment.
Certainly, the contestants are shown to be overwhelmed by the results of their often quite spectacular transformation, and the surgeries are shown to have produced a makeover that leads the individuals concerned to better opportunities in life than they would have had without the surgery. Yet this idea of comprehensive rebirth of the self through surgery is clearly problematic, even if it appears to promise transcendence of birth, lineage, family background, nationality and social class. While advances in biomedical sciences and surgical techniques seem to offer almost unlimited possibilities for somatic transformation, the unproblematic way in which these narratives suggest that success is linked to a set of narrowly defined visual signifiers should certainly be cause for concern.
In the context of contemporary Korean society, cosmetic surgery increasingly signifies not only investment in self, but also the embodiment of moral will. As contestants in Let Me In become visually acceptable, yet not necessarily out-of-this-world beautiful, this signifies that within such narrowly defined and intensely panoptic cosmetic culture, only those who are able to achieve and perform a certain standard of normative beauty are entitled to legitimate membership in civil society. To conclude, the narrative logic that informs Let Me In and other programmes like it and increasingly in representations of cosmetic surgery in popular culture in general goes far beyond simplistic notions of beauty and submitting to fitness and health regimes as a personal choice.
Moreover, while the pressure to achieve beauty and perfection is in many ways not so different from the way in which cosmetic surgery is becoming accepted practice in many other post-industrial consumer societies such as the US and Australia , the importance that family is shown to play in decisions to undergo surgery certainly suggests an added pressure, and one that is readily utilised by the cosmetic surgery industry and the media. All these intersecting discourses work to normalize narrowly defined, artificially enhanced beauty ideals which work toward a somatically performed moral norm which is shown to require surgical intervention.
This suggests that we may soon have a situation in which patients routinely approach the surgeon in order to perform adequately in society, rather than wanting to undergo surgery in order to become something extraordinary. As Shildrick points out, this in turn may also lead to intolerance of other kinds of difference such as those linked to disabilities and gender. If normativity is then increasingly measured not by the degree to which the body has been surgically modified, but rather by how well it conforms to the visual and moral norms of the current makeover culture, then perhaps we need to start thinking about cultural discourses of cosmetic surgery as a sign of a much more profound shift in emerging epistemological discourses of the self in relation to the other in contemporary Korean society.
Their insightful observations opened up some very lively discussions on cosmetic cultures in Korea, and I hope that this paper answers at least some of the thorny questions raised in our seminars. Her current research and teaching interests include cultural representations of cosmetic cultures in South Korea, masculinities in South Korean popular culture, and South Korean cultural diplomacy and models of overseas development in Africa.
Western, Eastern and Postcolonial Perspectives , ed. What he-she meant is if you stand up, you know, with painful legs or sleeping legs, you will [laughs]-it will be dan- [partial word]-dangerous [laughs, laughter]. That is why she said so-so, you know. I think that is very important, you know, and even though you feel your legs, okay. But it is better to make it-make them sure [laughs], rubbing, you know, your knee.
I thought what she was saying was that once we stood up, we were supposed to stand there without-before we started walking. Sesshin Lecture 1 San Francisco . In this sesshin , I have been explaining the context of our practice and, at the same time, the meaning of rules and precepts. But for us, precepts-observation of precepts and practice of zazen is same thing, you know, not different [just] as our everyday life and practice, zazen practice, is one.
After sesshin, we will have ordination ceremony for Paul [Discoe] and Reb [Anderson]. And-and then we will have lay ordination ceremony for the students-all the students who has been practicing zazen who-who has practiced zazen for three years before MORE In Japan, a terrible fire broke out, and some hotel was burned down, and many sightseeing people killed in the fire. And recently in Japan, they had many sightseeing people even to Eihei-ji, where monk-only monks practice our way. Uchiyama-roshi  -Uchiyama-roshi said in his book  -if you open the book, he says recently, "Everything is going like that" [laughs].
Because we have so many sightseeing people, [laughs], so many years of hotels is built as one building after another. Right Teaching and Right Practice In our practice two important practice is zazen practice and to listen to pure teacher, or right teacher. Without practice, you cannot understand teaching.
You cannot listen to your teacher and without practice, without listening to your teacher, your practice will be, cannot be right practice. Right practice, by right practice we mean practice, fundamental practice from which you can start So from right practice, if you have right practice you have already right teaching there. So right practice is the foundation of all Buddhist activity. It is--it cannot be compared to various practice or MORE Sesshin Lecture 4 San Francisco.
In-in everyday life, to observe precepts and, in our practice, to continue our zazen looks like different, but actually it is same. In actual zazen, whether-even though your practice is not perfect, if you practice our way, there there is enlightenment because originally, you know, our practice is expression of our true buddha-mind. Because you-your-because of your discrimination, you say your practice is not good. But if we do not, you know-if we do not MORE Paul Discoe and [1 word unclear] Reb Anderson, who have come here to be ordained as a disciple of the Buddha.
Listen to-listen calmly and attentively. Due to surpassing affinities, this ordination ceremony become possible. As Buddha's disciple, you have acquired the opportunity to receive the teaching transmitted from Shakyamuni Buddha through the patriarchs to me and to manifest the Buddha's way forever.
Even the buddhas and patriarchs cannot help but admire you who MORE Open Mind San Francisco. So that you don't know anything about Buddhism is very good [laughs]. We have no trouble to-to make you piece by piece [laughs]. So here, you know, and-American people has very open-minded-is very open-minded. So for you, it is accept the teaching, you know, without trouble. That is my feeling. And one more point is because your mind is open, and we have not much prejudice, you know, you know-you see things clearly.
This lecture began mid-way on Side A of the original tape after a prior lecture ended. It appears to be complete. The meaning of our practice [is compassion? Lay Ordination Ceremony Sunday, August 23, Tape operator possibly Yvonne Rand: First part of Roshi's address here is inaudible on the original tape. Leaving for Japan [One of two lectures for this date. As some of-some of you may know, tomorrow I am leaving San Francisco for-for a while and coming back December first or second.
I'm not so clear yet, but for three months I shall be in Japan. I feel very sorry for-for you-not to be with you, but there there is something I must do for Zen Center. First of all, Dick Baker will receive transmission. I am so grateful to have this ordination ceremony for you, our old students. This is actually the second time Because why we didn't have lay ordination ceremony more often was because I didn't want to give you some special idea of lay Buddhists.
Bodhisattva way, according to Bodhisattva teaching, every Lecture After Trip To Japan: Zazen As Our Foundation In this trip,  I studied in Japan [laughs], you know, and I found out many things, and many things happened. Many things has happened since I visited Japan four years ago. Japan changed a lot.
Not only various food and materials now is very high. Transportation changed, and the road is pretty good now. And people there are very busy, and they-their life is more now Western-style and busy. If you go from here to America [Japan? What Is Our Practice? In my last trip to Japan I found out many things. The feeling I had there was-they were-you know, Japanese people nowadays are trying very hard, but according to Uchiyama-roshi,  you know-do you know him?
He is in Kyoto, and he is practicing with students. And many Caucasian students were there. And when I went there they asked me to speak something [laughs], so I just saw them and talked a little. Japanese people now-group, group- bo-kei: Zazen-zazen practice, for us, more and more become important. Nowadays, as you may feel, we are human being. We came to the point where we must start-maybe it is too late but, even so, we must start some new movement.
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Sickness and True Practice San Francisco. Dogen-zenji said sickness does not, you know, destroy-destroy people, but no practice will destroy people. Sickness does not destroy people, but no practice destroy people. What do you mean [laughs]? What does it mean? If, you know, we have no idea of practice, sickness-even sickness does not mean anything, you know, because when we cannot practice, we call it sick- [partial word]-sickness.
But, you know, if you have no idea of practice, what is sickness? Maybe for the people whose purpose of life is to enjoy life, you know, when he cannot enjoy his life, it is sickness. But it is-that idea is MORE San Francisco In our zazen practice, we stop our thinking and we must be free from our emotional activity too. Sunday, January 11, Ordination Ceremony: Sunday, January 25, Mahayana and Hinayana Buddhism San Francisco The difference between so-called-it Theravada Buddhism and Sarvastivadian or Hinayana and Mahayana is very important and directly, you know, concerned with our present problem.
Saturday, January 31, Effort San Francisco Our-our effort in our practice is quite different effort you make in our usual life. Can you hear me? Sunday, February 08, Relationship Each time we-we start lecture, we recite "an unsurpassed, penetrating Buddha," and so on. Lancaster's Visiting Class Tassajara Actually, because of my bad throat, I don't speak for people outside, you know.
Saturday, March 28, March Sesshin: When he was going, he said: I said to carry-to collect the garbage to the garbage can is half of the job, whole job, you know, but we are liable to, you know, ignore to carry the garbage to the garbage can. Thank you very much. San Francisco How do you feel now? Sesshin Lecture 2 Helping Others San Francisco First of all, a sincere-our practice-sincere practice-our sincere practice is not, you know, practice just for himself. Cantong qi or Tisan-tiung-chii , a poem by Sekito Kisen. Saturday, May 30, Sandokai Lecture 2 Tassajara [The following lines of the Sandokai are discussed in this lecture: Line 2 tozai mitsuni aifusu.
Line 3 Ninkon ni ridon ari, Line 4 do ni namboku no so nashi. Line 2 was handed down closely from west to east. Line 3 People may discriminate the dull from the keen, Line 4 but in the true way there is no Patriarch of North or South. Monday, June 01, Sandokai Lecture 3 Tassajara [The following lines of the Sandokai are discussed in this lecture: Line 5 Reigen myoni kokettari. Line 6 Shiha anni ruchusu. Line 7 Ji wo shusuru mo moto kore mayoi. Line 8 Ri ni kano mo mata satori ni ara zu.
Line 5 The true source is pure and stainless. Line 6 The branch streams flow in the dark. Line 7 Clutching at things is delusion. Line 9 Mommon issai no kyo, Line 10 ego to fuego to. Line 11 Eshite sarani aiwataru. Line 12 Shikara zare ba kurai ni yotte jusu. Line 9 The five sense gates and the five sense objects Line 10 are interdependent and absolutely independent. Wednesday, June 10, Sandokai Lecture 6 Tassajara [This lecture is concerned with the following lines of the Sandokai: Shiki moto shitsuzo wo kotonishi, sho moto rakku wo kotonisu.
An wa jochu no koto ni kanai, mei wa seidaku no ku wo wakatsu. Things have various natures, various forms. There is good and bad, taste, sound, and feeling. In darkness, superior and inferior cannot be distinguished; MORE Saturday, June 13, Sandokai Lecture 7 Tassajara [The following lines of the Sandokai are discussed in this lecture: Line 17 Shidai no sho onozukara fukusu, Line 18 ko no sono haha wo uru ga gotoshi. Line 19 Hi wa nesshi kaze wa doyo, Line 20 mizu wa uruoi chi wa kengo. Line 17 The four elements resume their nature Line 18 as a child has its mother.
Line 19 Fire is hot, wind blows, Line 20 water wets, and earth is solid. Wednesday, June 17, Sandokai Lecture 8 Tassajara [The following lines of the Sandokai are discussed in this lecture: Line 21 Manako wa iro, mimi wa onjo, Line 22 hana wa ka, shita wa kanso. Line 23 Shikamo ichi-ichi no ho ni oite, Line 24 ne ni yotte ha bumpusu. Line 25 Hommatsu subekaraku shu ni kisu beshi. Line 26 Sompi sono go wo mochiu. Saturday, June 20, Sandokai Lecture 9 Tassajara [The following lines of the Sandokai are discussed in this lecture: Line 27 Meichu ni atatte an ari, Line 28 anso wo motte o koto nakare.
Line 29 Anchu ni atatte mei ari, Line 30 meiso wo motte miru koto nakare. Line 27 Within brightness actually there is utter darkness; Line 28 but you should not meet someone just with darkness. Thursday, June 25, Sandokai Lecture 10 Tassajara [This lecture is concerned with the following lines of the Sandokai: Meian ono-ono aitaishite, hisuru ni zengo no ayumi no gotoshi. Transliteration by Kazuaki Tanahashi. Darkness and brightness stand with each other like when one foot is forward and the other is behind in walking. Saturday, June 27, Sandokai Lecture 11 Tassajara [The following lines of the Sandokai are discussed in this lecture: Line 33 Bammotsu onozukara ko ari, Line 34 masani yo to sho to wo iu beshi.
Line 35 Ji sonsure ba kangai gasshi, Line 36 ri ozure ba sempo saso. Line 33 Everything--all beings--have their own virtue. Line 34 You should know how to apply this truth. Sunday, June 28, Whole-Body Zazen Tassajara You should sit zazen with your whole body; your spine, mouth, toes, mudra. Koto wo uke te wa subekaraku shu wo esu beshi. Mizukara kiku wo rissuru koto nakare. Sokumoku do wo ese zumba, ashi wo hakobu mo izukunzo michi wo shiran. Monday, July 06, Sandokai Lecture Ayumi wo susumure ba gonnon ni ara zu, mayote senga no ko wo hedatsu.
Tsutsushin de sangen no hito ni mosu, koin munashiku wataru koto nakare. The goal is neither far nor near. If you stick to the idea of good or bad, MORE Wednesday, July 08, Eko Lecture 1: The First Morning Eko Tassajara [This is the first in a series of six lectures by Suzuki-roshi on the four ekos chanted at the conclusion of morning services at San Francisco Zen Center and other Soto Zen temples and monasteries. The lectures were delivered from July 8 to July 15, Friday, July 10, Eko Lecture 2: The Second Morning Eko Tassajara [This is the second in a series of six lectures by Suzuki-roshi on the four ekos chanted at the conclusion of morning services at San Francisco Zen Center and other Soto Zen temples and monasteries.
The Second Morning Eko: Choka ogu fugin Line 1. Saturday, July 11, Eko Lecture 3: The Second Morning Eko , Part 2 of 3 Tassajara [This is the third in a series of six lectures by Suzuki-roshi on the four ekos chanted at the conclusion of morning services at San Francisco Zen Center and other Soto Zen temples and monasteries.
Sunday, July 12, Eko Lecture 4: The Second Morning Eko , Part 3 of 3 Tassajara [This is the fourth in a series of six lectures by Suzuki-roshi on the four eko s chanted at the conclusion of morning services at San Francisco Zen Center and other Soto Zen temples and monasteries. Monday, July 13, Eko Lecture 5: The Third Morning Eko Tassajara [This is the fifth in a series of six lectures by Suzuki-roshi on the four ekos chanted at the conclusion of morning services at San Francisco Zen Center and other Soto Zen temples and monasteries.
The Third Morning Eko: Choka sodo fugin Line 1. Wednesday, July 15, Eko Lecture 6: The Fourth Morning Eko Tassajara [This is the last in a series of six lectures by Suzuki-roshi on the four ekos chanted at the conclusion of morning services at San Francisco Zen Center and other Soto Zen temples and monasteries.
The Fourth Morning Eko: Sunday, July 19, Japanese Way, American Way, Buddhist Way City Center, San Francisco After-after forty days of my leaving from here I feel I am a stranger to the building, not to you but [laughs] to the building and my cups and [laughs, laughter]. Saturday, August 01, Sesshin Lecture 1 San Francisco  In this sesshin , I have been explaining the context of our practice and, at the same time, the meaning of rules and precepts.
Monday, August 03, Right Teaching and Right Practice In our practice two important practice is zazen practice and to listen to pure teacher, or right teacher. Goethe vs Newton - solving the mystery of the color theory Japanese Edition. Manga creation techniques for the digital generation Japanese Edition. Kiyokawa Kayo-Art work collection Japanese Edition.
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